The theme of today’s debate is welcome given the dire state of women’s rights in conflicts and crises across the world, and unacceptably low levels of women’s participation in peace processes, both of which the WPS agenda was meant to address. We are seeing record levels of armed conflict, for instance, in Gaza and Ukraine; the Taliban takeover of Afghanistan; and unprecedented humanitarian crises in Sudan, Syria, Yemen and across conflicts around the world. Women have been disproportionately exposed to conflict-related sexual violence,[1] femicide,[2] gender apartheid,[3] gender persecution[4] and other targeted atrocities. We are today also confronted by an alarming global backlash against gender and women’s rights.[5] All these conditions undermine our collective ability to meaningfully participate in peacemaking and, in doing so, threaten our very hopes for peace.
24 years ago, feminist movements around the world reminded the international community of our potential for ensuring an equal, just and peaceful future. The Council heeded these calls by adopting Resolution 1325 (2000). Yet, today, we are a long way from its promise of equality.
As a human rights defender and former political prisoner, hope for change has long guided my activism. I am not alone. In Myanmar today, women across the country are resisting the Myanmar military and its 2021 attempted coup, and risking their lives to defy all forms of oppression, including patriarchy, homophobia and transphobia.[6] As frontline responders and human rights defenders,[7] we are doing everything in our power not to return to the pre-coup status quo — but to build a new future where we can fully participate regardless of our gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity or other differences.[8]
But the Myanmar military’s nationwide campaign of terror is preventing us from achieving our goal. This is the same military that, according to the UN, has committed war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide.[9] Since the attempted coup, the military has launched air strikes against civilians;[10] targeted homes, schools, hospitals and places of worship;[11] and displaced millions.[12] Gender-based violence has increased dramatically in Myanmar since the attempted coup, primarily by the military, and other armed groups.[13] Further, the military has killed and arbitrarily arrested thousands of women,[14] who face torture, sexual violence and denial of medical care in detention.[15] Since February, the military has forcibly recruited civilians, including young women and internally displaced people (IDPs), to become cannon fodder and human shields.[16] The military has created a humanitarian disaster, and continues to block and weaponize aid[17] to over 18 million people, more than half of whom are women and girls.[18] Hundreds of thousands have fled Myanmar in search of protection in neighboring countries,[19] risking detention and forced deportation.[20]
Excellencies,
Addressing the root causes of conflict is vital for ensuring women’s full participation in Myanmar’s future. And when the key perpetrators of decades of atrocities remain unpunished — like in Myanmar — impunity is the root cause. Just as in Afghanistan, Sudan, the Occupied Palestinian Territory and many other contexts, impunity in Myanmar is contagious: it emboldens perpetrators and shows others that they are free to brutalize groups they deem inferior — especially women. As Resolution 1325 makes clear, accountability and respect for international law are critical for protecting women’s rights, not only in Myanmar but in other conflicts across the world. Women cannot meaningfully participate in any sphere of life if they are being attacked, without consequences, on a daily basis.[21]
Nowhere is this impunity more apparent than in Rakhine State, where the military and the Arakan Army (AA) have been targeting the Rohingya with escalating atrocities.[22] Since November 2023, the AA has burned down Rohingya homes and villages, and massacred, abducted, tortured, raped and forcibly displaced the Rohingya.[23] Armed violence, starvation[24] and lack of water, shelter and medical care have forced at least 40,000 to flee to Bangladesh.[25] Almost one million are still living in overcrowded camps in Cox’s Bazar, where violence has worsened in recent months.[26] According to the UN, last year was the deadliest year for Rohingya fleeing over land and sea — with women and girls facing horrific forms of sexual violence.[27] This year will likely be worse,[28] further delaying my community’s voluntary, safe, dignified and sustainable return to their homes in Myanmar.[29]
Excellencies,
Myanmar is an example of both an extreme violation of the key principles of the WPS agenda, and an illustration of why they are so important. I urge you to uphold all pillars of the WPS agenda. Member States should demand women’s participation in all peace and security decision-making, and call on the UN to make women’s participation a requirement in any peace process it supports.[30] But it is not enough to express support for women’s participation if the conditions for their participation do not exist. Conflict prevention, protection of human rights and accountability[31] are essential if women are to take their rightful place at the peace table. I further urge you to support and fund women’s organizations and human rights defenders, and take all necessary measures to protect them from attacks and reprisals.
On Myanmar, I urge the Council to hold an emergency, open briefing to discuss the situation, prevent further mass atrocities, especially in Rakhine State, and build on Resolution 2669 (2022) with stronger action, including a new resolution.[32] This Council should demand the military cease all acts of conflict-related sexual violence. I further urge you to end all supplies of arms, ammunition and aviation fuel; impose targeted economic sanctions on the military; enable cross-border aid and unfettered humanitarian access; and reject the military’s so-called “census”[33] and efforts to hold sham elections.[34] The Council must refer the situation to the International Criminal Court, or support the creation of an ad-hoc tribunal, and discuss the non-compliance of the provisional measures imposed on Myanmar by the International Court of Justice, which designated the Rohingya as a “protected group.”[35] This Council should explicitly call for women’s full, equal, meaningful and safe participation in decision-making about our country’s future.
Excellencies,
Today, I speak before you as one of the few women from Myanmar to address the Council about the unspeakable suffering of my people. This is despite more than half a century of conflict in my country, the decades-long genocide against the Rohingya, and the determined efforts of my fellow women to end our plight. Women in Myanmar and across the globe are watching today to see if your words will be matched by action.
Thank you.
Please refer to the NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security website for other language versions of this statement.
[1] “Conflict-related sexual violence: Report of the Secretary-General,” 4 April 2024, S/2024/292, undocs.org/s/2024/292.
[2] Human Rights Watch, “Femicide and Reproductive Violence Harm African Women, Girls,” 31 July 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/07/31/femicide-and-reproductive-violence-harm-african-women-girls.
[3] “The phenomenon of an institutionalized system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity and exclusion of women and girls: Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Afghanistan,” 13 May 2024, A/HRC/56/25, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5625-phenomenon-institutionalized-system-discrimination-segregation.
[4] Amnesty International, “Afghanistan: Taliban’s treatment of women and girls should be investigated as the crime against humanity of gender persecution,” 26 May 2023, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/05/afghanistan-talibans-treatment-of-women-and-girls-should-be-investigated-as-the-crime-against-humanity-of-gender-persecution/.
[5] “Escalating backlash against gender equality and urgency of reaffirming substantive equality and the human rights of women and girls – Report of the Working Group on discrimination against women and girls,” 15 May 2024, A/HRC/56/51, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc5651-escalating-backlash-against-gender-equality-and-urgency.
[6] Outright International, “LGBTQ Anti-Coup Resistance in Myanmar,” 24 September 2024, https://outrightinternational.org/our-work/human-rights-research/lgbtq-anti-coup-resistance-myanmar; Women’s League of Burma, “Building the Triple Resistance: Women Leaders’ Perceptions of Changes and Challenges A Year and A Half After the Coup in Burma,” 4 January 2024, https://www.womenofburma.org/reports/building-triple-resistance; Statement by Ms. Naw Hser Hser at the UN Security Council Open Debate on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, 14 July 2023, https://www.womenpeacesecurity.org/resource/statement-unsc-crsv-open-debate-naw/.
[7] Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, “Courage amid Crisis: Gendered impacts of the coup at the pursuit of gender equality in Myanmar,” Section IX, 2 July 2024, A/HRC/56/CRP.8, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc56crp8-courage-amid-crisis-gendered-impacts-coup-and-pursuit-gender; UN Women, “Women’s organizations remain at the front line of the crisis response in Myanmar,” 16 August 2023, https://www.unwomen.org/en/news-stories/feature-story/2023/08/womens-organizations-remain-at-the-front-line-of-the-crisis-response-in-myanmar.
[8] Michelle Onello & Akila Radhakrishnan, “Reversing the Coup is No Solution for Myanmar,” The Diplomat, 13 May 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/05/reversing-the-coup-is-no-solution-for-myanmar/.
[9] Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar, “Sexual and gender-based violence in Myanmar and the gendered impact of its ethnic conflicts,” ¶254-255, 22 August 2019, A/HRC/42/CRP.4, https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/FFM-Myanmar/sexualviolence/A_HRC_CRP_4.pdf; “Report of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar,” ¶83-89, 12 September 2018, A/HRC/39/64, undocs.org/a/hrc/39/64.
[10] Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, ¶20-24, 20 March 2024, A/HRC/55/65, undocs.org/a/hrc/55/65; Human Rights Watch, “Myanmar: Upswing in Unlawful Airstrikes,” 11 January 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/01/11/myanmar-upswing-unlawful-airstrikes.
[11] Report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, ¶26, 11 July 2024, A/HRC/57/18, https://iimm.un.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/2411995E.pdf.
[12] UNHCR Operational Data Portal, “Myanmar situation,” accessed 7 October 2024, https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/myanmar.
[13] “Situation of human rights in Myanmar: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,” ¶42-47, 4 September 2024, A/HRC/57/56, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5756-situation-human-rights-myanmar-report-united-nations-high; Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, “Courage amid Crisis: Gendered impacts of the coup at the pursuit of gender equality in Myanmar,” ¶58-70, ¶71-76, 2 July 2024, A/HRC/56/CRP.8, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/thematic-reports/ahrc56crp8-courage-amid-crisis-gendered-impacts-coup-and-pursuit-gender.
[14] Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, “Daily Briefing in Relation to the Military Coup – 24 October 2024,” 24 October 2024, https://aappb.org/?p=29821.
[15] “Situation of human rights in Myanmar: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,” ¶30-34 and ¶35-41, 4 September 2024, A/HRC/57/56, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5756-situation-human-rights-myanmar-report-united-nations-high; Report of the Independent Investigative Mechanism for Myanmar, ¶20-25, 11 July 2024, A/HRC/57/18, https://iimm.un.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/2411995E.pdf; Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, ¶72-75, 20 March 2024, A/HRC/55/65, undocs.org/a/hrc/55/65; International Commission of Jurists, “Unseen and Unheard: Violation of Women’s Rights in Myanmar,” 1 July 2024, https://www.icj.org/myanmar-women-deprived-of-liberty-subjected-to-egregious-human-rights-violations-including-torture-and-other-ill-treatment/.
[16] Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, ¶37-42, 20 March 2024, A/HRC/55/65, undocs.org/a/hrc/55/65; OHCHR, “Myanmar: Military junta even greater threat to civilians as it imposes military draft, warns UN expert,” 21 February 2024, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/02/myanmar-military-junta-even-greater-threat-civilians-it-imposes-military.
[17] MSF, “Health workers struggle to respond amid severe restrictions in Rakhine State,” 16 January 2024, https://www.msf.org/health-workers-struggle-respond-amid-severe-restrictions-rakhine-state-myanmar; UN News, “Myanmar: Military’s obstruction of humanitarian aid could be international crime,” 30 June 2023, https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/06/1138262.
[18] UNHCR, “Myanmar Emergency – UNHCR Regional Update – 2 September 2024,” 16 September 2024, https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/111180; OCHA, “Myanmar Humanitarian Response Plan 2024,” p. 7, 18 December 2023, https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/myanmar-humanitarian-needs-and-response-plan-2024-december-2023-enmy.
[19] UNHCR, “Myanmar Emergency – UNHCR Regional Update – 2 September 2024,” 16 September 2024, https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/111180.
[20] International Commission of Jurists, “India: Immediately halt forced returns of Myanmar refugees in Manipur and respect the non-refoulement principle,” 10 May 2024, https://www.icj.org/india-immediately-halt-forced-returns-of-myanmar-refugees-in-manipur-and-respect-the-non-refoulement-principle/; Human Rights Watch, “Thailand: Halt Forced Returns to Myanmar,” 11 April 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/04/11/thailand-halt-forced-returns-myanmar; Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Section III, 30 March 2023, A/HRC/52/66, undocs.org/a/hrc/52/66.
[21] Women’s League of Burma, “Building the Triple Resistance: Women Leaders’ Perceptions of Changes and Challenges A Year and A Half After the Coup in Burma,” p. 6, 4 January 2024, https://www.womenofburma.org/reports/building-triple-resistance; Statement by Ms. Naw Hser Hser at the UN Security Council Open Debate on Conflict-Related Sexual Violence, 14 July 2023, https://www.womenpeacesecurity.org/resource/statement-unsc-crsv-open-debate-naw/; OHCHR, “Myanmar: Social media campaigns must stand up to junta’s online terror campaign, say UN experts,” 13 March 2023, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2023/03/myanmar-social-media-companies-must-stand-juntas-online-terror-campaign-say.
[22] OHCHR, “Myanmar: Turk deplores attacks on civilians fleeing Rakhine, fears repeat of 2017 atrocities against Rohingya,” 23 August 2024, https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2024/08/myanmar-turk-deplores-attacks-civilians-fleeing-rakhine-fears-repeat-2017; Women’s Peace Network, “Renewed atrocities against Rohingya in Rakhine State, Myanmar,” July 2024, https://www.womenspeacenetwork.org/s/Report_2024_7_Renewed-atrocities-against-Rohingya-in-Rakhine-State-Myanmar.pdf.
[23] “Situation of human rights in Myanmar: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,” ¶18-20, 4 September 2024, A/HRC/57/56, https://www.ohchr.org/en/documents/country-reports/ahrc5756-situation-human-rights-myanmar-report-united-nations-high; “Situation of human rights of Rohingya Muslims and other minorities in Myanmar: Report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights,” ¶33-41, A/HRC/56/23, undocs.org/a/hrc/56/23; Human Rights Watch, “Myanmar: Rohingya at Risk in Rakhine Fighting,” 9 February 2024, https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/02/09/myanmar-rohingya-risk-rakhine-fighting.
[24] The Irrawaddy, “Myanmar’s Rakhine Spiraling Into Hunger as 50% Drop in Rice Harvest Predicted,” 17 June 2024, https://www.irrawaddy.com/business/myanmars-rakhine-spiraling-into-hunger-as-50-drop-in-rice-harvest-predicted.html.
[25] Anadolu Agency, “Rohingya repatriation delayed due to cease-fire breakdown with rebels: Myanmar’s envoy,” 16 October 2024, https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/rohingya-repatriation-delayed-due-to-cease-fire-breakdown-with-rebels-myanmars-envoy/3364102#.
[26] “Joint Government of Bangladesh – UNHCR Population Map as of August 2024,” 12 September 2024, https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/111125; IISS, “Competing armed groups pose new threat to Rohingya in Bangladesh,” 11 December 2023, https://myanmar.iiss.org/analysis/rohingya.
[27] UNHCR, “Urgent action needed to address dramatic rise in Rohingya deaths at sea,” 23 January 2024, https://www.unhcr.org/news/briefing-notes/unhcr-urgent-action-needed-address-dramatic-rise-rohingya-deaths-sea.
[28] UNHCR, “Rohingya refugees: Land and sea routes – Quarterly update – as of June 2024,” 26 September 2024, https://data.unhcr.org/en/documents/details/111427.
[29] Security Council Resolution 2669 (2022), https://undocs.org/S/RES/2669(2022).
[30] NGO Working Group on Women, Peace and Security, “2024 Open Letter to Permanent Representatives to the United Nations in advance of the Open Debate on Women, Peace and Security,” 8 October 2024, https://www.womenpeacesecurity.org/resource/open-letter-un-wps-2024/.
[31] Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), ¶11, https://undocs.org/s/res/1325(2000).
[32] Security Council Resolution 2669 (2022), https://undocs.org/S/RES/2669(2022).
[33] Progressive Voice, “Sham Census Counts for Nothing,” 7 October 2024, https://progressivevoicemyanmar.org/2024/10/07/sham-census-counts-for-nothing/; Mary Callahan, “Myanmar’s census is a blunt counterinsurgency tool,” Frontier Myanmar, 1 October 2024, https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/myanmars-census-is-a-blunt-counterinsurgency-tool/.
[34] “Free election under Myanmar junta ‘impossible’: US official,” Mizzima, 12 October 2024, https://eng.mizzima.com/2024/10/12/14977.
[35] International Court of Justice, “Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide – The Gambia v. Myanmar: Request for the indication of provisional measures,” 23 January 2020, ¶86, https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20200123-ORD-01-00-EN.pdf.
